Archive for September, 2008

This month we look at Georgia, Sarajevo and Hamlet. The Times says Russia has failed strategically because NATO is now firmly united in support of Georgia’s heartland. Next time around, the comment says, Russia may find the US Airforce obliged to intervene. The analysis makes a good point, but curiously omits mention of Sarajevo and Shakespeare. Will America or NATO send troops to die over a little patch of ground in the Caucuses and is there a difference between Joe Citizen’s wishes and the interests of the military-industrial complex? Perhaps the commentator believes that the latter has faded away like last year’s fashions and that automatic triggers for war (NATO’s insane method) make sense, in which case the cure is Martin Gilbert on WW1. But our standards may be unrealistic; research costs too much for an op-ed piece that seems intended to boost right-wing credentials.

 

 

We also chat about how we’re instigating WW3. Convenient, isn’t it, that our boys and girls are dying so far away, out of sight of the cameras and the dregs of investigatory journalism, while we encourage Russia’s Latin-America to join NATO and prepare our scripts of outrage to read in protest when Russia claws back. We showcase Bremner’s piece on the breakup of Belgium, created by England in the 19th century to weaken Europe. The tantalizing corollary is to consider what date we’ll freeze the map of the world and why choose that moment. The moments for different parts of the globe seem to vary depending on, well, random fancy. God likes it that way, is the ultimate answer. Whence we proceed to the elitist Olympics. We could outline the sleaze of the original Olympics, amidst our modern sanctimony over cheating, but what’s the point? The Olympics never were noble and pure. Though don’t get us wrong. Following ethical standards is the highest goal our pitiful species has yet set itself, and – as the poet says – an ounce of worthy goal is worth a pound of corrupt accomplishment. There’s a reek of WW1 propaganda about Russian troops in Georgia. Should we ask whether, beneath our breast-beating about shabby, drunk and rapist foreign troops, lies the usual antipathy against the foreigner? And we couldn’t conclude without the fumblings of our Health Minister and the Harper government in general. How many Canadians must die and how many liberties must we surrender and how many lakes must be polluted before this gang of self-satisfied lunks is booted out of office? Not that the other gangs will do better, but inefficiency and inconsistency are the citizen’s best defence against the rampaging beast of government.

General

Feel life is passing you by? Activities with fellow Mensans will turn this around. Think coffees, martinis, movies, dinners, quizzes, anything that ravels up the tired sleeve of care. We’re informal and unstructured, on occasion intellectually stimulating. Mensa Calgary is a community where members interact, network, support each other, and enjoy each other’s company. For further info, contact Patricia at kathleen4057@yahoo.ca ["There's no pleasure on earth that's worth sacrificing for the sake of an extra five years in the geriatric ward of the Sunset Old People's Home." (John Mortimore)]

 

MensaTest

September 25, 2008. Email or telephone Vicki at vherd@shaw.ca, 403-243-6144. Testing should take just over an hour and is user-friendly.

The testing fee is $90. This covers the cost of writing 2 tests, receiving feedback on eligibility for Mensa membership, plus the first year’s membership fee if you qualify. You write 2 tests so you have 2 chances to qualify for Mensa.  Full time students pay only $70.

A pictorial test is available if your mother tongue is not English and you do not want your test scores to be disadvantaged by language.

You need to score in the top 2% of the population in one of the two tests to qualify.

Please contact Vicki if you have questions about Mensa or the testing, and let her know if you want to write the tests so she can plan resources and give detailed directions to the test site, likely at meeting Room 2 in the basement of the W R Castell Central Library, 616 Macleod Trail SE, Calgary.

 

MensaGenerationX

Viva the under-30s! Thursday, Sept 25 at Bottlescrew Bills, 140 – 10th Ave SW. Beers galore, as you can see on http://www.bottlescrewbill.com/80beers.html. Meet around 7:30, Leslie will reserve a table and a copy of Twisted will be on it for the first 15 minutes. RSVP to Leslie at august_83@hotmail.com and check the Facebook group Mensa Calgary Under 30’s.

 

CoffeeFests

Next occasion is Wednesday, September 24th, 7pm, at Kaffa Coffee and Salsa House in Marda Loop. Exact address: 2138 33Ave SW. Diverting discussion as always. No subject too hot, no view too contentious, no humour too sublime. Confirm with Patricia at kathleen4057@yahoo.ca or not, as you like. Look for the Harry Potter book on the table.

 

DinnerNight

Our September feast of reason and flow of soul is Friday, September 26th, at 5:30 pm. The place: Brava Bistro, voted best Calgary restaurant in 2003, located at 723 – 17th Ave SW.  RSVP please to Patricia (almostp@shaw.ca). Reference the links below for a full review of the restaurant. 

http://www.bravabistro.com/
 
http://www.calgaryrestaurants.ca:80/basic.php?name=Brava%20Bistro

 

BookClub

In August, the club conducted its Banff roadtrip. The big question was why novels written almost 200 years ago by a clergyman’s daughter, who moreover lived a short and unspectacular life, should still be popular in the 21st century. The bookclub took in a performance of Pride and Prejudice at the Banff Centre on August 22nd and then met to discuss the performance and Austen’s novels over tea at the Banff Springs.

Like to read? Got some good ideas for ways to enhance our understanding of novels or authors? Join us! We’re always happy to welcome new members and ideas. Our next meeting is Friday, September 19th when we’ll be discussing Twilight by Stephanie Meyer. Contact Patricia at almostp@shaw.ca if you’re interested.

Previous Mensa Club books have included Literacy and Longing in L.A., Night, The Alchemist, Water for Elephants, Pride and Prejudice and A Thousand Splendid Suns.

 

SecondTuesdays(of the Month)

September 9th is our casual gettogether at Vicki Herd’s home, 2469 Sorrel Mews SW, a couple of blocks south of 33 Ave, east of Crowchild Tr, at 7:30pm. BYOB. Contact Vicki (vherd@shaw.ca / 243-6144) or Patricia (almostp@shaw.ca / 212-1461) for additional info.  RSVP isn’t necessary.

 

OtherUpComings

Thursday, September 4, at 7:30 pm. The Jack Singer Concert Hall. A Taste of the CPO.  Tickets are free.  Contact Patricia (almostp@shaw.ca) and look up  http://www.cpo-live.com/main/biography.php?id=418

Haysn Hornbeck will lead a hike to Grassi Lakes on Saturday, September 13th. The hike is 3.1km including return, with only 350m elevation gain. Even the slowest slowpokes should make it. The area is sandwiched between Mount Rundle and Ha Ling, in a rocky canyon with plenty of natural beauty. It’s also five minutes from Canmore. If anyone wants an extension, we can add Policeman’s Creek (4km loop in Canmore, no elevation) or Grotto Canyon (5km with return, minor elevation). Since we’re so close to Canmore anyway, dinner at the Sage Bistro would be a nice way to end the day. The bistro has excellent food and a good atmosphere, plus a wall of exotic teas to choose from. If you are interested in joining us for the hike and/or dinner, please RSVP to Patricia (almostp@shaw.ca). We’ll organize a car pool or you can make your own way to the hike.

We have a unique Japanese POW documentary to present and Haysn has generously offered to convert the video to NTSC format. Watch this space for a date to see the footage.

We’ll hold a Mensa Sunday brunch at the Banff Springs Hotel in October. All Mensa members are welcome. Details to follow.

Mensa Calgary will host a weekend Regional Gathering in Banff in the fall of 2009. This seems a long way off, but it involves some serious (and not so serious) planning so we’ve started discussions already. Considering the location, we aim to attract Mensans from around the globe and your ideas and support are greatly appreciated. If you’d like to be part of the committee or have thoughts about speakers, activities etc., please contact Patricia (almostp@shaw.ca). There are many Mensans who’d like to take a more active role in the organization, and this is a golden opportunity to place your favorite subjects front and centre. Mensa Calgary has blossomed over the past year and we look forward to further excitement as the Regional approaches.  

Congratulations to Mensa member David Coulibaly who has a new son, Noah Matys Coulibaly, born August 22nd.  David and his family moved to Calgary from Paris a few years ago.

For other and general event queries, email Vicki Herd (vherd@shaw.ca).

1) A fly lands in a room that measures 30 feet (length) by 12 (width) by 12 (height). When his IQ rises, he finds himself on the end wall, 1 foot from the ceiling, 6 feet from each side. He spots a female fly on the opposite end wall, 1 foot from the floor and 6 feet from each side. To impress the lady, he wants to walk to her by the shortest path. How far must he walk?

2) Take a chessboard and remove two squares from opposite corners. Divide the rest of the board into oblongs that are 2 squares long and one wide. Or can you?

The answers to August’s puzzles were supplied in the August issue.

Here are the answers to this month’s puzzles:
1) Picture the scene in 2 dimensions. We have 4 rectangles, each immediately above the other, and each 30 by 12. To the left of the second from the top, is a square that is 12 by 12. To the right of the bottom rectangle is another square the same size, ie 12 by 12. This is the room reduced to 2 dimensions. We can now draw the straight line which the fly must walk. We can also construct the right-angled sides of which the straight line is the hypotenuse. The triangle’s sides turn out to be 24 by 32 by 40, which is the familiar 3-4-5 right-angled triangle. Therefore, 40 feet.

2) The board’s 64 squares alternate white and black. This means that opposite corners are the same colour. When you remove two white or two black squares, you leave an unbalanced set of pairs behind. Oblongs (2 squares by 1) always contain two colours and therefore there will always be two white or two black squares left over, the opposite colour from the one you took.

Feature1 – MoneyMakesTalent

Higher, faster, yes. More meritocratic? No

Talent doesn’t always triumph at the Olympic Games. They are a bastion of elitism where money can buy medals.

The Olympic Games are built on a series of fictions, but one myth towers above all others. It is that the four-yearly festival is a bastion of meritocracy, where success is determined by hard work and talent rather than privilege. This is central to the Games’s global appeal and is particularly powerful because it chimes with common sense. Is not sport about the objective measurement of ability, leaving little room for entrenched privilege? Has not the Olympics been the traditional arena for the underdog?

Well, no.

Look beyond the propaganda and you will find that 58 per cent of Great Britain’s gold-medal winners at Athens in 2004 went to independent schools. You will also find that in the past three Olympics 45 per cent of medal winners went to the non-state sector. Given that only 7 per cent of children attend independent schools, and assuming that sporting talent is spread evenly, this is a striking demonstration of how Olympic success is driven by wealth as well as by ability. Either way, the 93 per cent who attend state schools are chronically under-represented.

But this is as nothing compared with the global imbalance. India, for example, a country with almost one fifth of the world’s population, won less than a fifth of 1 per cent of the medals available in Athens – one out of a total of 826. Africa, a continent dripping with sporting talent, won only 4 per cent of them. Can you think of a single global institution that is less equitable?

The reason for this shameful imbalance is not difficult to find – when the French aristocrat Baron Pierre de Coubertin founded the modern Olympic movement he packed it with sports affordable only to his fellow aristocrats, thus excluding the Third World. The legacy of the baron’s patrician bias is still with us today: in Beijing, rowing has 14 medal events, sailing 11 and equestrianism 6. If the International Olympic Committee believes that these sports are accessible to anyone beyond a tiny clique in the Western world it is even more deluded than previously thought.

 

 

Take the Yngling sailing event for women – at which Great Britain won gold in 2004. Only about four crews at present compete in the UK, with fewer than 100 competitive crews on the planet. Why? Because it costs more than £20,000 to buy a decent boat. You may as well include Formula One in the Olympics. In rowing, sailing and equestrianism there were 186 medals on offer at the last Olympics. Not one was won by an athlete from a low-income nation.

Perhaps the most amusing aspect of all this is how we respond to our success in such sports. Even some of our more intelligent commentators have convinced themselves that Sir Steve Redgrave is the greatest living Olympian for winning five successive golds in rowing, not seeming to realise that the sport is so elitist that it is virtually nonexistent across much of the planet. I suggest that Redgrave would not have qualified for a single Olympic final, let alone won any, had rowing been accessible to, say, 1 per cent of the population of Africa – a continent that dominates running, in which the only equipment needed is decent shoes.

It is striking that Britain’s medal success generally comes in sports that are not merely expensive but that are also so unpopular that athletes cannot earn enough from prize-money and endorsements to support themselves. Success in these sports – such as rowing, sailing and track cycling – can essentially be bought by siphoning off money from the public purse and handing it to the athletes who are then able to train like professionals.

Indeed, it is a cause for self-congratulation rather than discomfiture in the sporting community that the improved success of British athletes in recent years has been achieved by outspending many of our rivals. That is not to take anything away from the athletes, who are hard-working and talented. It is merely to say that success in sport – like in the agricultural market – is easier when it receives huge state subsidies.

We will see this phenomenon once again in Beijing. Get ready for the smugness if we achieve more success in track cycling, with commentators proclaiming that we Brits are endowed with pedalling genius. The reality is that British cycling has been given millions to spend on bike technology, something that is not considered a sensible target for public expenditure by many other rich nations (although not dictatorships such as China, which tend to spend like crazy on elite sport) and is beyond the public finances of the rest.

How does the Government get away with this raid on the public purse? By claiming that Olympic success inspires grassroots participation, which, in turn, has a benign long-term impact on the public finances. It is an argument with everything on its side except evidence. The reality is that elite success has no sustained impact on participation, and, even if it did, the fiscal effects would be ambiguous.

Instead of parading our national immaturity by splurging gargantuan sums on baubles, would we not do better to urge the IOC to alter the medal allocation to include sports that are accessible to all rather than the privileged few? You do not need a vast bank balance or state subsidies to excel in kabbadi or sepak takraw, two wonderful Asian sports. Sure, rich nations might still dominate, but low-income countries would at least have a chance, as they do in sprinting and distance running.

The Olympics should be a global festival, not a rich man’s playground.

[Matthew Syed represented Great Britain at table tennis in two Olympics.]

(by matthew syed, The Times, 16Aug08)

Feature2 – FailureOrSuccessInGeorgia

The Nato chiefs who gathered yesterday in Brussels have reason to be dismayed – but only if they make the mistake of blurring tactics and strategy.

With a thoroughly old-fashioned tank charge, Russia has won a tactical coup in the Caucasus. It has rubbed salt in Georgian and American wounds by blindfolding Georgian troops in American Humvees in the port of Poti and forcing US officials to demand their vehicles back.

Farther east yesterday, Nato suffered another tactical setback with the loss of ten French soldiers to Taleban fighters.

The casualties were tragic and the timing unfortunate. But the two conflicts are separate. More importantly, the newer of the two, in Georgia, makes Nato expansion more likely rather than less. This is precisely the outcome that Russia had hoped to avoid. Two weeks ago Nato was divided not only on the question of Georgia’s headlong bid for membership, but also on the broader issue of whether it was worth antagonising Moscow with further expansion into the former Soviet Union. Germany, France and Italy argued against. At their request, Nato pointedly refrained from setting a timetable for Georgian membership at its summit in Bucharest in March.

What a difference a short war can make. By sending its 58th Army through the Roki tunnel into South Ossetia, Moscow hoped at the very least to deepen Nato divisions.

The opposite has happened. Instead of arguing that the crisis proved her point about the need for restraint, Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, has explicitly endorsed Georgia’s bid for membership. France may still have its doubts. If so, they remain private. There are two main reasons for Nato’s newfound unity. First, there is a strengthening consensus that Moscow would have acted with more restraint had Georgia already been in Nato, protected by its principle of collective security.

As one expert with long experience of the region put it yesterday: "The thought of the US Air Force on its way would have deterred even Vladimir Putin."

Secondly, the "frozen" conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia that stood in the way of Georgian membership have, rightly or wrongly, unfrozen.

Moscow’s coup is to have seized de facto control of these two tiny provinces. It has done so at huge cost to its diplomatic standing and may yet suffer serious economic isolation as a long-term result of the conflict.

Nato was wrongfooted but not substantially weakened. It may have struggled to gain the upper hand against the Taleban but, as the Cold War showed, nothing unites the West’s otherwise quarrelsome democracies quite so effectively as a nuclear superpower.

(by giles whittell, The Times, 20August08)

Feature3 – BelgiumAndGeorgia

Will France move into Belgium?

Watching the mess in Georgia, we should not get too smug about breakaway provinces on the fringe of central Asia. An ugly struggle for ethnic separation is brewing only an hour’s train trip north from Paris.

I’m talking about Belgium. The divorce between northern Flanders and Wallonia, the southern French-speaking half, has been anticipated for so long that people in France do not give it much thought. "Are the Belgians mad?", France-Inter, a state radio station, asked its listeners in a jokey poll this month.

France takes a condescending, affectionate approach to its small neighbour. The butt of jokes, Belgians are seen as slow-witted frites (chips/French fries) eaters with a creative genius that produced Art Nouveau, Hergé, the father of Tintin, and entertainers who move to France when they make it. Otherwise, Belgium is Brussels, the French-speaking seat of the European bureaucracy and source of many French ills.

This cozy view may be in for a jolt if the six million Dutch-speakers succeed in what seems like an unstoppable push to extract rich Flanders from its unhappy 178-year marriage to Wallonia.

France has just had a wake-up with an opinion poll that found that 49 percent of
Walloons would like to be annexed by France if Flanders splits off. An extraordinary 60 percent of the French said that would be fine by them.

I suspect that they were not really thinking about the question, put by La Voix du Nord, the Lille newspaper, and Le Soir, the Brussels daily. Or perhaps they were succumbing to the present movie-driven fad for les Ch’tis, the inhabitants of the French far north.

Secession to France is a far-fetched idea and no Paris party supports it, although a Belgian group has been campaigning for a annexation for years. Talk of shifting the frontier northward across half Belgium is pretty alarming when you think of the wars that have been fought over that patch of Europe. Among the odd consequences, France would take over Waterloo, the south Brussels suburb where Napoleon made his last stand.  

But Belgian break-up is not far-fetched and France might have to come to the aid of the Wallons in some form.

The Belgian government has been paralysed for a year. As Yves Leterme, the Flemish-born Prime Minister, runs daily business, three wise men have been appointed by King Albert II to find a formula that will probably unstitch further the already loose federal arrangement.

The two sides have never really got on since Britain cobbled the old southern Netherlands provinces together as a nation state in 1830 to ensure that France did not take it over again, as it did in the 1790s. In the late 1940s, when Wallonia was gripped by strikes, General de Gaulle told colleagues that he was ready to absorb the region if the Walloons begged for it.

The Flemish cause – driven by resentment towards the once dominant but now poor French-speakers – has been growing ever more radical. A decade ago, when I lived in Brussels for four years, the tensions were unpleasant. You got a dirty look if you addressed Flanders shop-keepers in French. My son took compulsory Dutch in his French-speaking primary school, but there was not much mixing between the two tribes. Belgian politics are so intricate, with an array of different assemblies, including a small German-speaking region, that few foreign journalists pay them much attention.

Now the linguistic, ethnic feud has deepened, with Dutch-speaking towns on the edge of Brussels even banning bilingual signs and, in one case, ordering French-speaking children to use only Dutch in a municipal playground.

The Flemish nationalists envisage a peaceful divorce of the type between Slovaks and Czechs. Apart from lingering fondness for the nation and the royal family that symbolises it, there is one big obstacle: the city of Brussel or Bruxelles, to use its twin name. A separate region, Brussels is a mainly French-speaking (officially bilingual) enclave inside Flanders. The Flemish cannot imagine Brussels not being part of the Nieuwe Republiek van Vlaanderen. One idea has been to make it a neutral European Federal District, like Washington DC, Mexico DF or Canberra ACT, but it’s hard to see Flanders accepting that.

 The Belgian malaise will probably just rumble on, but it is sobering to think that ethnically-driven separatism is at work in the heart of modern, rich, western Europe, not just something that goes with horses and carts and Russian tanks.

(by charles bremner, The Times, 20August08)

Feature4 – CanadaPlaysWithFire

Is the world drifting towards a new global war? From this week the dominant super-power, America, will for three months pass through the valley of the shadow of democracy, a presidential election. This is always a moment of self-absorption and paranoia. Barack Obama and John McCain will not act as statesmen but as politicians. They will grandstand and look over their shoulders. Their eye will stray from the ball.

Meanwhile, along history’s fault line of conflict from Russia’s European border to the Caucasus and on to Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan, diplomats are shifting uneasily in their seats, drums are sounding and harsh words are spoken. The world is now run by a generation of leaders who have never known global war. Has this dulled their senses?

Dan McNeill, an American general, was recently interviewed in Kabul on how to beat the Taliban. He was not the first to conclude that this could not be done militarily but only by "winning hearts and minds". The problem, he said, lay in the answer to the question, "Whose hearts and minds?" Was it those of the Afghan people or was it rather those of the American Congress and voters?

Both Obama and McCain have claimed that the war in Iraq has been allowed to distract attention from the war in Afghanistan. This is different from the neoconservatives, who felt the war in Afghanistan was a distraction from the more important war in Iraq.

America now thinks it has won in Baghdad and must return to Kabul – and possibly even Tehran. At the same time it must face the possibility that these conflicts may in turn be a distraction from the reemergence as world powers of Russia and China, who are already gaining the initiative in Iran and Africa. Moscow is also precipitating a nationalist resurgence in eastern Europe and among Russian minorities in the Caucasus.

The question is critical. Has the West misjudged the fault line of an impending conflict? Its global strategy under George Bush, Tony Blair and a ham-fisted Nato has declared the threat to world peace as coming from nonstate organisations, specifically Al-Qaeda, and the nations that give them either bases or tacit support. Western generals and securocrats have elevated these anarchist fanatics to the status of nuclear powers. Policing crime has become "waging war", so as to justify soaring budgets and influence over policy, much as did America’s military-industrial complex during the cold war.

 

 

Might it be that a raging seven-year obsession with Osama Bin Laden and his tiny Al-Qaeda organisation has blinded strategists to the old verities? Wars are rarely "clashes of civilisation", but rather clashes of interest. They are usually the result of careless policy, of misread signals and of mission creep closing options for peace.

Terrorists, wherever located and trained, can certainly capture headlines and cause overnight mayhem, but they cannot project power. They cannot conquer countries or peoples, only manipulate democratic regimes into espousing illiberal policies, as in America and Britain. By grossly overstating the significance of terrorism, western leaders have distracted foreign policy from what should be its prime concern: securing world peace by holding a balance of interest – and pride – among the great powers.

To any who lived through the cold war, recent events along Russia’s western and southern borders are deeply ominous. Moscow initially spent the 17 years since the fall of the Soviet Union flirting with the West. It had been defeated and had good reason for disarming and putting out feelers to join Nato and the European Union. It took part in such proto-capitalist entities as the G8.

In the case of Nato and the EU it was arrogantly rebuffed, while its former Warsaw Pact allies were accepted. Moscow was told it would be foolish to worry about encirclement. A nation that had never enjoyed democracy should content itself with basking in its delights. Russians in the Baltic states and in Ukraine should make their peace with emerging governments. The political clutter of the cold war should be decontaminated.

Suddenly this has not worked. The world is showing alarming parallels with the 1930s. Lights are turning to red as the world again approaches depression. The credit crunch and the collapse of world trade talks are making nations introverted. Meanwhile, the defeated power of the last war, Russia, is flexing its muscles and finding them in good working order.

On Thursday Gordon Brown told his troops in Afghanistan that "what you are doing here prevents terrorism coming to the streets of Britain". He cannot believe this any more than do his generals. Afghanistan poses no military threat to Britain. Rather it is Britain’s occupation and the response in neighbouring Pakistan that fosters antiwestern militancy in the region. Like the impoverishment of Germany between the wars, the stirring of antiwestern and antiChristian sentiment in the Muslim world can only be dangerous and counter-productive. Yet we do it.

The Taliban are fighting an old-fashioned insurgent war against a foreign invader and recruiting Pakistanis and antiwestern fanatics to help. They have succeeded in tormenting Washington and London with visions of a destabilised nuclear Pakistan, a blood-drenched Middle East and an Iran whose leaders may yet turn to jihad. For Brown – or the American presidential candidates – to imply that these conflicts with the Muslim world are making the world "safer" is manifestly untrue.

Worse, it distorts policy. Rather than calming other foes so the West can concentrate on the conflicts in hand, it is pointlessly stirring Russian expansionism to life.

There is no strategic justification for siting American missile systems in Poland and the Czech Republic. It is nothing but right-wing provocation. Nato’s welcome to Georgia and Ukraine, for no good reason but at risk of having to come to their aid, has served only to incite Georgia to realise that risk while also infuriating Moscow.

Russia is well able to respond recklessly to a snub without such encouragement, so why encourage it? The more powerful state – America – surely has an obligation to show the greater caution. Any strategic decision, such as the goading of Moscow, must plan for its response. Nato’s bureaucracy, lacking coherence and leadership, has been searching for a role since the end of the cold war. That role is apparently now to play with fire.

Western strategy is dealing with a resurgent, rich and potent Russia. It has played fast and loose with Moscow’s age-old sensitivity and forgotten the message of George Kennan, the American statesman: that Russia must be understood and contained rather than confronted. The naive remarks welcoming Georgia to Nato by David Miliband, the foreign secretary, show a West far detached from such analytical truths.

Any student of McCain or Obama, of Russia’s Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev, or of the leaders of Britain, France and Germany, might conclude that these are not people likely to go to war. They are surely the children of peace. Yet history shows that "going to war" is never an intention. It is rather the result of weak, shortsighted leaders entrapped by a series of mistakes. For the West’s leaders at present, mistake has become second nature.

(by simon jenkins, The Sunday Times, August 24, 2008)

Feature5 – NeoConRuin

I’m trying to summon up some human compassion for Canada’s health minister, Tony Clement, in the sense that I acknowledge him as an actual human. But as for compassion, the well is dry. Dust sifts through the air down there. Cicadas hop; the dry grass sings.

The man has publicly damned not just drug users but the doctors and nurses who support Vancouver’s safe drug injection site, a relatively cheap and effective clean-needles way to make life less bad.

What is he saying, that Staphylococcus aureus has a positive health outcome because junkies die faster? If junkies must have needles, let them harbour Clostridium tetani!

This latest attack on an attempt to mitigate the market forces that kill hundreds of drug users in Vancouver each year is part of the Conservatives’ continuing efforts to make Canada follow the disastrous neo-conservative path that has destroyed the quality of American life.

Yes, that same sourly triumphant neo-con campaign that has made a once-great nation contemplate a sudden decline, its currency sinking, its military ventures emptying its coffers, its bridges and banks collapsing, its Big Food sending poison directly to the bowels, its citizens unlettered, its monster homes abandoned and its journalism a waste of time.

I keep imagining Stephen Harper standing in front of the mirror in the morning and reciting, Coué-like, "Every day, in every way, I get more and more Republican."

I’d get all biblical about the foolishness of Canada following the U.S. into disaster, but I can’t. It isn’t tragic; it’s just embarrassing.

The neo-cons had their sickly moment in the sun. Now they scuttle away by night. So why is Harper creeping after them, trying to recreate the American disaster in this country in 2008? It’s so last century.

Here are the signposts of disaster, copied from the Republicans:

1. The nationwide outbreak of listeriosis from meat from a Maple Leaf meat-packing plant is an event familiar to Americans.

Leaked documents reveal that the Harper government has been planning to copy the Americans on meat inspection, allowing the meat packers, rather than federal officials, to inspect their own operations. You can find it all in Eric Schlosser’s Fast Food Nation, the book that served as the Silent Spring of the America hamburger.

The U.S. Department of Agriculture was neutered, industry took over and meat was being sent out contaminated with "fecal material, hair, insects, metal shavings, urine and vomit." In 1993, more than 700 people were made sick by tainted Jack in the Box burgers, 200 people, mostly children, were hospitalized and two died.

By the way, Tony Clement was a senior minister (under Mike Harris) when the Walkerton E. coli outbreak occurred in 2000. Seven people died and 2,300 people became ill.

2. The demonization of abortion in the U.S. has been successful. If McCain wins, which he probably will, abortion will doubtless be banned. The Supreme Court of Canada has made that impossible here, so the Conservatives, along with their activist Christian allies, are using tactics learned from the southern U.S.

Alberta MP Ken Epp’s Bill C-484, the Unborn Victims of Crime Act, has passed second reading in the House of Commons. Effectively, it makes the fetus a "person."

Pro-life legislators did exactly the same in several U.S. states. I watched news footage of a poor Missouri woman who shot herself in the stomach being arrested for murdering her "child." Even the cops taking her from her hospital bed straight to prison looked horrified by their task.

The Canadian Medical Association has condemned the bill. No wonder Tony Clement was mad at them. The fun begins.

Want more?
3. The Conservatives are deregulating cable companies and telecommunications in general. Bell, Telus and Rogers will soon be able to change their phone rates without prior regulatory approval. Didn’t deregulation work wonderfully in the American airline industry, a haven of public safety, pristine flight scheduling and contented workers.

Here in Canada, we have some of the highest cellphone costs in the world. We hate our cable companies, which bully us, but we have no alternative. Our television is dreadful. And increasing deregulation will make it worse. Haven’t we been through this, people?

4. Canada is now seeing political attacks on judges, including a recent complaint by the religious right against the chief justice of the Supreme Court of Canada for something she did not even do (vote to give the Order of Canada to Dr. Henry Morgentaler).

Harper wants candidates for the Supreme Court to be questioned by MPs. The wave has begun. Now, an Ontario NDP MPP has complained to the Judicial Council about a judge who made what turned out to be a dreadful decision in a child custody case. We have a procedure for when courts fail. It doesn’t involve politicians.

In the U.S., judges have increasingly become political pawns. We’re headed this way, too, and it’s repellent.

5. Ottawa’s recent cuts to book publishers, travel grants for writers, symphonies, dance troupes and museums are a huge blow to artists trying to reflect the country they live in. We have a small population with a government that has always cheese-pared the arts, but the anti-intellectualism of the Harper government is naked and new.

Don’t rite books, don’t reed them. That’s the American model: a poorly educated population trained to distrust the "elite" (people who can read road signs).

So Canadianish
6. The main responsibility of a government is to protect citizens from violent death (to me, that includes listeriosis). We do that with our gun registry; the U.S. government does the opposite by practically forcing guns on its citizens.

But it’s arguably an even greater responsibility to forecast, to look to the future for danger and advantage. No one else can perform this function. And here is where Ottawa continues to fail, as it has with preparing for climate change.

A leaked report concludes Ottawa is neglecting even to survey and assess Canada’s water. We need national forecasting of water availability, and that means mapping groundwater reserves and devising strategies for dealing with the consequences of falling water levels in the Great Lakes.

Weirdly, the U.S. government is doing an excellent job tracking its groundwater, especially the aquifers it shares with Canada. That’s because the U.S. drought has begun, and ours hasn’t yet. Why can’t we think ahead?

Changes are coming. With an American-style government, we are prepared for absolutely nothing. As the smart half of the U.S. rebels, why are we so tame, so timid, so Canadianish?

On another topic, maybe, you likely won’t have heard of Joe Bageant, author of Deer Hunting with Jesus: Dispatches from America’s Class War. The people he’s writing about don’t read; they’ve been hectored not to. And the people who do would wince at such a painful exposé of the rednecks of Winchester, Va., et al.

Bageant, a web columnist, a Michael Moore without the sentiment, moves back to his hometown after 30 years and tells us about the American underclass. By that, he means peasants. Just because it’s rude to call people "peasants" doesn’t mean it’s inaccurate. These people were made into Wal-Mart serfs. They are at the point where they don’t even think they deserve education, safety and health care. Read it and tremble for your grandchildren’s future. In fact, advise your kids not to have any.

(by heather mallick, CBC, 22Aug08)

N&Q1 – CovertDollarIntervention

Rule changes for commercial banks are acting as cover for exchange rate intervention.

China has resorted to stealth intervention in the currency markets to amass US dollars, using indirect means to hold down the yuan and ease the pain for its struggling exporters as the global slowdown engulfs the economy.

A study by HSBC’s currency team in Asia has concluded that China’s central bank is in effect forcing commercial banks to build up large dollar reserves, using them as arms-length proxies in a renewed campaign of exchange rate intervention.

Beijing has raised the reserve requirement for banks five times since March, quickening the pace with two half-point rises in late June.

This is having major spill-over effects into the currency markets because banks in China have been required over the last year to hold extra reserves in dollars rather than yuan. The latest moves have lifted the mandatory deposit from 15pc to 17.5pc of total lending since March.

"China has used the pretext of reserve requirement hikes to help slow yuan appreciation. We estimate that the PBOC [central bank] intervened by about $49.6bn in June," said Daniel Hui, the bank’s Asia strategist.

Beijing has also slashed the amount of foreign debt banks operating in China can hold. The effect is to oblige the banks to become net buyers of dollars, halting the flow of foreign "hot money".

Given the sheer scale of China’s foreign reserves – now $1,800bn (£970bn) – any shift in its exchange policy now ripples around the globe. The covert buying may help to explain at least part of the explosive dollar rebound over recent weeks.

There is little doubt that the key driver behind the wild currency ructions this summer has been the blizzard of dire data from Britain, Europe, Japan and Australasia. The mounting danger of a full-fledged recession across the club of rich OECD nations appears to have caught the markets off guard.

The closely watched Dollar Index reached an all-time low in March. It crept up gradually in the early summer before smashing through resistance in July.

The world’s currency system is swivelling on its axis. Central banks in Asia and Europe have stopped raising rates, and some have begun to cut aggressively. The Federal Reserve is no longer nakedly exposed. Indeed, investors are already starting to look ahead to the next round of Fed tightening.

The 18pc slide in oil prices from a peak of $147 a barrel in July has added juice to the dollar rally. Russia and the Middle East petro-powers tend to recycle a high proportion of their vast earnings from oil into the eurozone, either by purchasing European bonds or expensive imports.

A Bundesbank study found 40 cents of every dollar spent by eurozone countries on oil imports comes back again one way or another. The figure for the US is just 10 cents. This trade bias has given oil a new character as a sort of anti-dollar driving the currency markets.

Even so, the China effect is a key ingredient in the dollar comeback. Beijing’s Politburo is clearly disturbed by the sudden downward turn in the economy as export markets freeze, and surging wage inflation in the country’s manufacturing hubs eats away at profit margins.

"They are now more worried about growth than overheating, and you are seeing that play out in the currency markets. There has been a remarkable change of view," said Simon Derrick, exchange rate chief at the Bank of New York Mellon.

China’s PMI purchasing managers index fell below 50 for the first time in July, signalling an outright contraction in manufacturing output. Hong Kong’s economy contracted 1.4pc in the second quarter. The Politburo has rushed through special rebates for textile producers now caught in a ferocious downturn.

Much of the clothing, footwear and furniture industry has been hit, leading to mass plant closures in the Pearl River Delta.

"During the first half of this year, about 67,000 small and medium-sized companies went bankrupt throughout China, leaving more than 20m people out of work," said the National Development and Reform Commission. "Bankruptcies of textile and spinning companies have numbered more than 10,000. Two thirds are on the brink of bankruptcy."

Last week’s rebound on the Shanghai stock market stalled on fading hopes of a fiscal stimulus package. "It is unrealistic to expect the government to rescue the market," said Li Ka-shing, chairman of Hutchison. "Speculators should be very cautious now. The worst is not over in the global credit crisis."

Lehman Brothers warns of a risk that a housing slump and the 55pc equity crash since October could combine with a global downturn to set off a "vicious cycle". House prices have already fallen 18pc in Guangzhou and 9pc in Beijing. Prices are now falling in cities that make up over half China’s population.

(by ambrose evans-pritchard, Telegraph, 26Aug08)

N&Q2 – Bulwer-LyttonPrize1994

As the fading light of a dying day filtered through the window blinds, Roger stood over his victim with a smoking .45, surprised at the serenity that filled him after pumping six slugs into the bloodless tyrant that mocked him day after day, and then he shuffled out of the office with one last look back at the shattered computer terminal lying there like a silicon armadillo left to rot on the information superhighway. (by larry brill, Austin, Texas)

CombatJournalist

Folks -

Dexter Filkins was a superb combat correspondent who finally burned out from the war in Iraq. He ranks as highly in my books as Ernie Pyle. Or Quentin Reynolds.

There are few other print journalists who have written as long about Iraq as Filkins: Bing West comes to mind. The difference is that Bing West filters his point of view through his long military experience, being a cheerleader for America and for the Marines.

The difference reminds one of the way that the two pre-eminent Western artists of the late 1800’s saw the frontier: Frederick Remington saw the Indians as the enemy, often portraying his patrols with the U.S. Cavalry in his paintings and sketches. Charlie Russell saw them as just like him, but with a different culture, painting their domestic lives.

West writes for American readers, reporting on how the "good guys" are handling the "bad guys". Filkins writes for everyman, reporting on how war changes us.

That difference is important.

For your contemplation.

Jim Szpajcher

 


Ashley Gilbertson for The New York Times
Dexter Filkins accompanying Bravo Company as the marines push into Falluja in November 2004.

 


Ashley Gilbertson for The New York Times
The minaret where Lance Cpl. William L. Miller died.

 


Ashley Gilbertson for The New York Times
Marines resting in the grand mosque in Falluja. Lance Cpl. William L. Miller, far right, would later be killed in a minaret. Next to him, Lance Cpl. Demarkus Brown, would survive the minaret firefight but be killed a week later.


Ashley Gilbertson for The New York Times
The author reporting back to the bureau during a rocket attack in Falluja.

 

I.

I pulled on my running shoes and stepped into the sweltering streets. It was a Thursday in July 2003, twilight, and well over 100 degrees. I was feeling a little reckless. If this ended badly, the only thing anyone would remember was how stupid I was.

We had set up the New York Times office on Abu Nawas Street. We lived and worked there: an Ottoman-style house with a gated yard and a veranda on the second floor that looked out on a boulevard that tracked the eastern bank of the Tigris River. In those first days, we didn’t fortify the place; no razor wire or blast walls, no watchtowers or machine guns mounted on the roof. Cars motored past our front yard on their way to the Jumhuriya Bridge a couple of miles up the road.
In the beginning, Baghdad wasn’t that threatening. The other houses around us were either abandoned or rented by foreigners: the French Embassy and the BBC were around the corner. And the Iraqis in the neighborhood were friendly, waving whenever we passed. Running at night seemed reckless, but given the otherworldy heat, running during the day was impossible.

So I set off. The reaction of my neighbors was immediate. I felt like a revelation, like a prophet. Men looked up and waved; they held up bottles of water as I ran by. "Good, good!" one man said in English. "America good!" Abu Nawas was lined with fish restaurants that overlooked the Tigris; as I passed, men held up chunks of masgouf, their beloved bony fish, and asked me to join. Children stopped their soccer games and ran after me; even the stray dogs gave pursuit. I felt I was living the scene in the movie "Rocky II," when the character played by Sylvester Stallone goes for a training run in his Philadelphia neighborhood and all the children clamor after him.

I started running that same route every evening after that, usually well into twilight but early enough that the streets were still filled with people. My reception was always the same: cheering crowds, squealing children and happy stray dogs. In an odd but real way, my five-mile runs up Abu Nawas Street made me wonder what the war in Iraq was all about. All day long reporting in the country, I encountered hostility and chaos, which was intense and growing and very real. And yet at night when I hit the streets, in the fall of 2003, I could not find a trace. It was as if the city, in the heat of the afternoon, had exhausted itself, only to lighten with the setting sun.

Once, early on, a young Iraqi boy ran up alongside me. He had been kicking a ball along Abu Nawas, and as I came running, he left his friends and started running next to me in his bare feet. The locals sometimes did that, but usually they dropped off after 50 yards. The Iraqi boy, who was perhaps 9 years old, kept running the two and a half miles to the Jumhuriya Bridge, and as I turned to run back on a trail along the Tigris, he dropped off to wave goodbye.

A few days later, at twilight, the same boy appeared again, picking up the trail along the Tigris. His name, he said, was Hassan. We ran together for a while, me in my running shoes, he in his bare feet. Hassan motioned across the Tigris, toward the sprawling compound that once housed Saddam Hussein’s Republican Palace and that was now the headquarters of the American occupation. The Green Zone.

"Saddam house," he said in English.

We ran together some more, and Hassan motioned again across the river.

"Now, Bush house."

One night, without warning, a wall of razor wire went up across Abu Nawas Street. Somebody somewhere had decided that the Sheraton Hotel, which sat just 100 yards away, was too easy a target for the car bombers, who had begun striking the city. A barricade now stood between me and the rest of the neighborhood. All traffic ceased.

A few days later, sensing the disruption they had caused, the Americans made an opening in the razor wire so pedestrians could walk through. I resumed my running, but I never saw Hassan again.

One afternoon later in the summer, another Iraqi youngster pulled alongside me as I made my way down the street. She, like Hassan, was about 9 years old. Her name was Fatima, she said, huffing next to me and looking up with enormous brown eyes. She wore sandals, and she was very dirty. She kept up the pace.
Fatima and I ran for a couple of miles, her sandals making a scraping sound on the pavement. After a time, she indicated that she needed a rest. We stopped at one of the open-air fish restaurants. Everyone seemed to know Fatima; she seemed to know them.

A man walked out onto the sidewalk, put a hand on Fatima’s shoulder and ran a finger across his neck. "Mother, father finished," the man said. He pointed to the sky, as if to suggest they had been killed by bombs.

"Fatima live here," the man said, gesturing with his hand to encompass the restaurant and its environs.

Then a second man walked up, twisted Fatima around and gave her a long and ugly kiss on her lips. He laughed and walked away. Fatima looked at me with very sad eyes, and I suggested that it was time to go.

We ran some more, and then, after a time, Fatima stopped. She suggested, without saying so, that it was time for her to go back.

"Bye-bye – tomorrow, O.K.?" Fatima said, and she turned and walked up the street. I never saw her again.

 

II.

I was jogging along the trail on the banks of the Tigris, heading south. I was nearing the halfway point, a defunct pump station that blocked me from running any farther. It was the summer of 2004. The heat was unbearable, as it usually was. I was carrying two half-liter bottles of water, one in each hand. I was about 30 yards from the pump station when I heard an explosion, and the ground shook beneath my feet. I turned around and watched a white mushroom cloud rise up about a mile away. Close. They had hit Tahrir Square again, a traffic roundabout near the Jumhuriya Bridge. The bombers were always hitting the roundabout at Tahrir Square. They would park their car next to one of the market stalls on the edge of the roundabout and wait for an American convoy or a bunch of contractors to come in; then they would hit the gas and fly into the roundabout and crash the middle of the convoy and explode. It happened all the time.

I stood and watched the mushroom cloud for a while. I needed the rest anyway. The cloud was dissipating in the blue sky. After the blast, which itself was quite loud, there wasn’t any sound to speak of, at least not that I could hear from so far away. The buildings along Abu Nawas Street obscured my view of the square itself. If I had tried to run back to the bureau, our guys would already have left to cover it. I stared at the remnants of the cloud for a few more minutes. I tried to imagine what was happening. I took a sip of water from my bottle. I retied my running shoes. I turned and got on with my run.

 

III.

It started with a face. Black, possibly an Arab from North Africa, covered by a thin layer of dust. Rubble around the head. Lips parted slightly. No blood. The Marines had found him at the top of the minaret in the southern part of town, at the top of a winding set of stairs, and snapped a photo. It had been in the evening, and the face had a bluish cast. From the start, the guerrillas had used the minarets: to shoot, to spot, to signal one another. When American soldiers first came into Falluja, 6,000 of them on foot in the middle of a November night in 2004, they weren’t allowed to shoot at mosques without permission. After 12 hours, they threw the rule away.

There were a lot of dead guerrillas, but we weren’t seeing them. By then, a week into the thing, a quarter of Bravo Company was wounded or dead. There was Romulo, the car-crazy kid from West Virginia, and Nick, the surfer from Baltimore. Jake, the mouthless mangled face. There were others. But we had gone forward anyway, rolling, absorbing the blows, moving forward through the streets. They were shooting at us, the Marines and me and Ashley Gilbertson, the photographer who was traveling with me, but we kept moving anyway. And now we were at the city limits, where the streets opened onto a big flat plain of brush and trash, abruptly, just like a movie set. End of town.

So where did the insurgents go? They were dead, under the rubble, that’s where they were. Buried. Vaporized. Ground to dust.

A few years before, in Afghanistan, an American officer asked me, "Have you ever seen what a 2,000-pound bomb does to a person?" He was not really bragging because in this case the victims had been American soldiers. Friendly fire, five guys. "We put the remains in a sandwich bag," he said.

Still, it was a curiosity that we had seen so few bodies. The generals were reporting hundreds of dead, thousands even – we knew that from the radio – but we weren’t seeing many. You would think by then we would have seen an arm. A head. Like in the suicide bombings in Baghdad. So I had been rolling it over, the lack of bodies, considering the explanations: the Muslims bury their dead very quickly; it’s a religious thing. That was one. The insurgents never leave their dead behind. That was another.

We were up on top of this building on the edge of town, staring out at the big plain and wondering where they had all gone, when one of the marines came over and showed Ashley the picture of the black face. He had brought us the photo to show us; he knew we needed one, a photo of a dead insurgent. The marine, Lance Cpl. Alex Saxby, tilted up his point-and-press camera to show us. "I got two dead friends," he said. Alex’s glasses had broken at the nose bridge, and he was holding them together with a wad of first-aid tape. The photo of the dead jihadi seemed all he had left in the world. "It’s my birthday today," he said.
I remembered when the Marines had killed the man in the photo; it was a couple of days before. We had come to this open spot in the city, a kind of Falluja Central Park, with trash and junk strewn about it, and there was a long row of buildings on the other side. Filled with bad guys, or so they said, and they seemed to know well enough. They had sent up the ScanEagle, a kind of model airplane with cameras; you could hear it at night buzzing around like a big fly. They had sent the tanks in front of us, and they had blasted those buildings, blowing giant holes in them, so we could advance across the junk field. They blasted a minaret too. Two shots, two large holes in the tower and then silence. They went up later, up the winding stairs, and found the guy. In the rubble. They snapped a photo. A face in bluish hue.

And so with the fighting over, it seemed as if finding that body was the thing to do. I was a reporter, and I needed a corpse for the newspaper. Ashley asked Capt. Read Omohundro, Bravo’s commander, and he gave us a dozen guys. They liked us now; we had been through hell with them, seen their buddies die. They wanted to help us. So we took a dozen guys and walked back up the street we had come down the day before. By then, you hardly noticed the wreckage, there was so much of it. Long piles of white rocks and dead wires and sliced-up cars, some of them still smoking. A ruined world. Nothing like the way we had found it coming in, when it looked more or less like a normal town. The Marines had blasted everything: every building, every car, even if there was no one in it; every single person, even if we hadn’t seen him. Now the town was quiet. Nobody said much. It had been many days since I had heard my own footsteps. It was only then that I thought something might be wrong.

We came to the door of the minaret and Ashley stepped to go inside. When Ash needed a photo, he had no fear. He would go anywhere for a picture. A few days before, he had run right into machine-gun fire, right into it. I had stayed crouched behind the wall. I didn’t much feel like following him into the minaret. It was a picture, after all. There wasn’t much I could do with a corpse. I wanted to leave, but I went anyway. Ash and I moved to go through the door, and a pair of marines stepped in front of us. We’ll go first, they said. The first marine put his hand out. I didn’t get a look at them, maybe a sidelong glance of the first guy, and they bounded up the stairs. Ashley with his camera fell in behind them, and I behind Ashley.

The stairs squeaked as we went up. It was a narrow staircase, winding, just wide enough for your body. A nautilus, maybe 100 feet high. Not very stable. Dark, too, but for the holes shot by the tank. I slowed my step. The shot was loud inside the staircase, and I couldn’t see much, because the second marine was falling backward, falling onto Ashley, who fell onto me. Warm liquid spattered on my face. The three of us tumbled backward out the doorway. The second marine, although bloodied, was not hit.

The first marine was stuck, maybe three-quarters of the way up the stairway. The shot had come from farther up the stairs. A very loud shot. Then tumbling and screaming and quiet. The guy who had fired was in the minaret, at the top of the stairs, sitting up there.

"Miller!" the marines shouted.

"Miller!"

No answer.

I tried to imagine him up there, Miller, foot stuck in the stairwell in some odd way that prevented him from falling like the rest of us. Unable, for some reason, to speak.

Ashley was sitting on the stoop beside the entrance to the minaret mumbling to himself. His back was turned to the tower, and his helmet was on crooked so he looked especially vulnerable. His shoulders were heaving. My fault, he was saying, my fault. There was blood and bits of white flesh on his face and on his flak jacket and on his camera lens. My fault.

"Miller!" The marines were screaming now.

They started to run into the tower. It was crazy, but they ran into the tower, heedless and headlong, the way you would charge a machine-gun nest. Young and determined, up the winding stairs. They ran up the stairs, and there were more shots, I couldn’t tell whose; there was fighting and yelling. Then the marines came out empty-handed. Alive but empty-handed and shouting.

"I can’t get to him," one of the marines said, emerging from the tower. It was Michael Goggin, an Irish kid from Weymouth, Mass., 19, with a heavy accent. His face was covered in dust. Like the dust in the photo, looking like a ghost.

Again and again they went up, Goggin and the others, and there were more shots and more dust and more yelling. I wondered how many people were going to die to save Miller, who was shot for a picture. I worked out the numbers: the Marines don’t leave their own behind, and neither do the insurgents. Miller is trapped, and the insurgent is up here, in a perfect spot, with perfect lines of fire. You could see the marines, too; it was in their eyes. Obsessed and burning. Maybe the whole platoon would die, I thought.

"Miller!"

Silence.

"Miller!"

Our leader that day was Sgt. Sam Williams, a 24-year-old from northern Michigan. Sam pointed to the top of the tower and told his men to fire. And so they did, guns singing, grenade launchers, machine guns, boom-boom-boom-boom. Horrendous and loud.

What if Miller is still alive? I thought. There was so much firing and so much stuff flying, bricks, shrapnel, bullets. Two marines were wounded. One of them was Lance Cpl. Demarkus Brown, a kid from Martinsville, Va., 22. The marines were raking the minaret, Demarkus was, too, and then he dropped his rifle and grabbed his right cheek. "I’m hit – I’m hit!" he said, panic in his eyes, real panic as if he was going to die. But the wound was small, and Demarkus was so young, he seemed like one of those kids on the playground who gets hurt every time. He seemed so frightened. He was killed a week later.

The firing stopped. Smoking rifles. Two more marines went up, and the minaret began to come apart. Bricks falling, dust and rocks, the tower swaying. Gunfire started to come into the mosque from the houses nearby. The insurgents had found us.

Ashley was still seated on the stoop, helmet crooked, mumbling to himself like a child. My fault.

Miller was out. Two marines had pulled him from the tower, Goggin one of them, choking and coughing. Black lung, they called it later. Miller was on his back; he had come out head first. His face was opened in a large V, split like meat, fish maybe, with the two sides jiggling.

"Please tell me he’s not dead," Ash said. "Please tell me."

"He’s dead, Ash," I said.

I felt it then. Darting, out of reach. You go into these places, and you think they’re overrated, they are not nearly as dangerous as people say. Keep your head; keep the gunfire in front of you. You get close and come out unscathed every time, your face as youthful and as untroubled as before. The life of the reporter: always someone else’s pain. A woman in an Iraqi hospital cradles her son newly blinded, and a single tear rolls down her cheek. The cheek is so dry, and the tear moves so slowly that you focus on it for a while, the tear traveling across the wide desert plain. You need a corpse for the newspaper, so you take a bunch of marines to get one. Then suddenly it’s there, the warm liquid on your face, the death you have always avoided, smiling back at you as if it knew all along. Your fault.

A troop carrier, one of the old Marine jobs, had come for Miller. Bullets were bouncing off it as it rolled up. It was going to head straight for the hospital, as if there were a chance for him. The marines lifted Miller onto a gurney, arms flapping, face flapping.

The escape was left to Sam. Ashley finally got up and we moved inside the main body of the mosque next to the minaret. Gunfire everywhere, so loud. The insurgents were closing in. One of the marines was holding a rifle covered in blood, and he looked at Ashley and figured, I guess, that he had best not give him a gun right now. He shoved the M-16 into my hands: sticky and warm. When I was in high school, I shot a duck with my friend’s gun, barrel out the window of his parents’ station wagon. The duck swam in circles for a while and then he died.

Take this, he said. The Marines don’t leave their guns behind either. I didn’t actually hear him say that. It was too loud to hear.

Sam held up three fingers and counted them down. Three-two-one, and we were off, out the door and into the street, me carrying Miller’s blood-soaked gun, a pair of machine guns to our east opening up as we ran. Legs like jelly, legs like wings, we were all flying together. Bullets zinging past, hitting the bricks. "I want to die," I heard Ashley say. "I hope they shoot me." We jumped a final fallen tree and turned a corner down an alley and we were safe.

"I know you guys are thinking you got Miller killed," Sam said back at the house. He was pulling on a cigarette, seated against a wall on the second floor. He seemed a wise old man sitting there, not a line on his face, and we the children. "It’s a war," he said slowly, like a man as old as time. "That’s what happens in war."

Lt. Andy Eckert walked in. He hadn’t gone with us.

"We take full responsibility for what happened out there," Ashley said to Eckert. I said it, too.

"Yeah, it was your fault," he said.

Lance Cpl. William L. Miller, 22, Pearland, Tex. The town made me think of pearls. A necklace. Miller’s official portrait shows a boyish cadet with a long thin face untroubled by thoughts of the future. Rummaging through Ash’s photos, I found a photograph, taken at another mosque a few blocks back – the Grand Mosque, the center of town. The marines had fought hard for that building; the photo shows Miller and four of his buddies taking a break during a quiet moment, sprawled in a perfect row, illuminated by a ray of light that entered through a nearby window. Miller’s head is tilted to the right. He’s asleep.

A few months later, at a memorial service in the gymnasium in North Carolina, I spotted Miller’s parents, Susie and Lewis. Their son’s helmet and rifle and boots and dog tag were out there on the gym floor, arranged in a tombstonelike structure along with those of the 20 other marines from Miller’s battalion who had died in Iraq. The tombstones were splayed out in a large V on the gym floor. Miller’s helmet and rifle were fourth from the bottom on the right-hand side.
I wasn’t sure if I could face the Millers, but I felt as if I needed to say something.
I walked up to the Millers with some hesitation, and they saw me. I was carrying a notebook. I figured the Millers would say something cutting, something full of despair, maybe even lunge at me. The father of a woman who had been murdered in Palm Bay, Fla., did that to me once, in the waiting room of the local hospital. Grabbed me and threw me into the door, shouting in my face. I hadn’t even asked him a question. I hadn’t even gotten his daughter killed.

"We’re so grateful to you," Lewis said to me when the service was over, down on the gym floor. "If it weren’t for you, we would never have known how our son died."

I guessed he was referring to the article I had written about the battle. My eyes met theirs, but I don’t remember too well what they looked like. They looked tired. Exhausted eyes. When I was a kid, I had a friend who shot himself, Pat Galloway, and I went to the viewing, and his mother and father, Bob and Natalie, had the same eyes. All cried out. After he died, the Galloways put Pat’s high-school graduation photo on the mantel above their fireplace. I imagined a photo like that of William on the mantel in the Millers’ home.

I asked them about Pearland, Tex.

"Pear-land," Lewis said to me, "Pear-land. We’re known for our pears."

 

IV.

I pulled on my running shoes and stepped outside. Running wasn’t so easy anymore. By the summer of 2006, my route had shrunk to a fraction of its old self: about half a mile between two posts of armed Iraqis. My old path along the banks of the Tigris, the one I had used since 2003, was finally rendered impassable by several new coils of razor wire. Still, a second stretch of pavement ran closer to Abu Nawas – I could use that. If I ran between the two checkpoints five or six times, I could make five miles.

The guys in the first checkpoint were friendly but not overly so. On the wall of their little white shed, they kept a small photo of a shouting Moktada al-Sadr, the angry Shiite cleric. In the summer, we told the Iraqis who maintained the bureau to carry water out to them. They didn’t say much, but I knew they drank it. In the winter, the guards hacked branches from the few trees that remained in the park and burned them for warmth. Once, when I wasn’t around, the fire burned out of control, scorching what was left of the grass the Americans had planted the previous year. Everything was like that in Iraq: anything anyone ever tried burned to black.

The northern checkpoint was more official – these guys had uniforms – but it was scarier, especially after dark. The wall, about five feet high, ran from the Tigris all the way to Abu Nawas; there was no getting past it. As I approached on foot, I would often see their heads peeking over the top of the wall. They had a searchlight, which sometimes they turned on when they saw me coming. But usually they left it off, and that was worse. I didn’t want to surprise them in the dark. I didn’t want them to mistake me for an insurgent trying to overrun their post. I would run right up to the wall and touch it, even in the dark – I needed the distance for my run – and often I could run all the way up to the wall and not one of them would say a word. Often I wouldn’t say anything, either. I would run all the way to the wall, and at the last second I would catch sight of one of them, his face level with mine, staring at me in the dark. It would scare the hell out of me.
Probably them, too.

Often it was the dogs that saved me. The wild dogs who lived in the reeds down by the river had multiplied and encroached on the park itself. There were dozens of them now, living in the folds of dirt, using the last of the eucalyptus trees to shade them from the sun. At night, as I ran past them, I would set them into a frenzy of howling and barking. The dogs would come up into the road, dozens of them, maybe a hundred. I hated the things – they were so aggressive – but their yipping and yapping often alerted the guards to my approach, and they would switch on their searchlight and see me coming.

Running at night – it was madness. I was courting death or at least a kidnapping. The capital was a free-for-all; it was in a state of nature. There was no law anymore, no courts, nothing – there was nothing at all. They kidnapped children now; they killed them and dumped them in the street. The kidnapping gangs bought and sold people; it was like its own terrible ecosystem. One of the kidnapping gangs could have driven up in a car and beat me and gagged me, and I could have screamed like a crazy person, but I doubt anyone would have done anything. Not even the guards. They weren’t bad people, the guards, but who in Baghdad was going to step in the middle of a kidnapping? The kidnappers had more power than anyone.

I had been in Iraq too long. Going on four years. I had lived through everything, shootings and bomb blasts, and I had never gotten so much as a scratch. I guess I was numb. I guess I felt invincible. The danger seemed notional to me now, not entirely real, something I wrote about, something that killed other people.
The one thing left that I wasn’t numb to was the running itself. Running out there on the Tigris, with the dogs, in the dark, in the dying city, was something I could still feel. In Baghdad, the most hopeless of cities, for a few blissful minutes my heart would race.

I approached the second checkpoint. The birds rustled in the eucalyptus trees. The dogs began to yip and howl, but tonight they kept their places. The sky was clear; the streets, blissfully still. An orange moon was rising above the city. Just above the wall was the silhouette of a soldier’s head. He was looking, too.
"Good, good!" he said from behind the wall.

 

V.

In Cambridge, Mass., I go running at night, when the city is quiet. It’s quiet during the day; at night more so. After 10 p.m., I run down the residential streets, passing the homes, and listen to the padding of my own shoes. There are hardly any cars. The people of Cambridge have built quiet lives for themselves here, in homes that keep out the sound.

One night, running down a street near the Harvard campus, I encountered a skunk. It was standing in front of someone’s house. I had never seen a skunk outside of a picture book. Its hair was soft and black, like a cat’s, with the bold white stripe. I stopped to look at it for a while, and the skunk allowed me to do this for several minutes before slinking into some bushes.

Sometime after that, in the afternoon, a hawk began appearing on the Harvard campus, landing on the larger buildings and monuments like Memorial Hall. It was a large, muscular hawk, of the red-tailed variety, with wide wings, and it announced its presence with a shriek. I usually heard it while walking out of Widener Library at lunchtime. I felt as if I were the only person who noticed. The hawk’s cry was plaintive but edgy; perhaps he had lost his way. One day, when Widener was closed, the hawk followed me to the law school for a half-mile. The hawk soared past me a few times and landed on a steeple and gave out a cry. By the end of summer, he was gone.

In the library, the chairs are soft and full, a cafe serves French pastries, and at the front door a machine dispenses plastic bags to cover your umbrella when you come in from the rain. Across the yard is Memorial Hall, a gothic structure whose walls are adorned by plaques with the names of 136 Harvard students killed during the American Civil War. One of them was Robert Gould Shaw, who led one of the first black regiments. I saw the names, engraved in marble, when I first arrived at Harvard and took the guided tour. I went back several times after that, but each time I found the building closed.

One day, Ashley, the photographer, phoned. He asked me what I did in Cambridge, and when I told him, he was silent. Ash took the train up from New York, and we went into Widener Library together, and he took a photo of me at one of the long wooden tables, among my notebooks. We got drunk that night, and Ash slept on my couch. He left the next day.

 

VI.

When I was in Iraq, I might as well have been circling the earth from a space capsule, circling in farthest orbit. Like Laika in Sputnik. A dog in space. Sending signals back to base, unmoored and weightless and no longer marking time. Home was far away, a distant place that gobbled up whatever I sent back, ignorant and happy but touchingly hungry to know. And then I was back, back in the world with everyone else, but not returning all the way. Still floating like Laika among the regular people in the regular world.

For me, the war sort of flattened things out, flattened things out here and flattened them out there too. Toward the end, when I was still there, so many bombs had gone off so many times that they no longer shocked or even roused; the people screamed in silence and in slow motion. And then I got back to the world, and the weddings and the picnics were the same as everything had been in Iraq, silent and slow and heavy and dead.

I flew west to see Billy Miller’s mom and dad. I might have gone to Pearland, Tex., where his bedroom was, where his sister, Sabrina, was, and where his name was emblazoned on a plaque in town, but I wanted to see his grave. I flew to Little Rock, Ark., and then rented a car and drove north to Greenbrier, in the foothills of the Ozarks, and Susie and Lewis, his parents, met me there. The Millers were officially still living in Pearland, but since Billy was here, in the family cemetery, they had taken to renting an apartment nearby. When I steered my Chevrolet Cobalt into the June Beene apartments, Susie walked out into the parking lot to make sure I got the right unit. She was wearing a bright red T-shirt with a Marine Corps insignia and Billy’s name sewn into it.

The Millers joked and smiled; they talked of Billy and his life, almost as if he were still there. Their good cheer was relentless. They did not flinch. I told them I thought about Billy everyday, about how he had taken a bullet for me and Ash. Stepped in front of us so we could get a photograph. "He was just doing his job," Susie said. "He died doing what he wanted to do." She was ready for that one. I gathered it was a construction, the cheerfulness was, a Potemkin thing, and building it had come at no small effort. Still, it made me sad, even a little frustrated.

We drove out to the cemetery and walked out to Billy’s grave. There was a tombstone made of rose granite, adorned by an American flag and a bouquet of plastic flowers. Onto the face of the granite the Millers had emblazoned a pair of photos of Billy – one solemn, the other smiling – which were protected by sliding metal covers the shape of teardrops. The cemetery dated back to the middle of the 19th century, and there were many former soldiers there, and in the back, some slaves. We ate catfish at a local restaurant. The Millers gave me a couple of magnetic stickers they had made up after Billy’s death, an American flag and a ribbon and a photo of Billy. "For your refrigerator or car or whatever," Lewis said. I hugged Susie and promised her I would come back, Ashley and I both. Lewis led me through Conway in his truck and out to the Interstate. I pulled over right before I got onto the freeway to shake hands, and I looked back and waved one more time as I merged with the passing cars.

[Dexter Filkins covered Iraq for The Times from 2003 to 2006. This article is adapted from "The Forever War," to be published by Knopf.]